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The Passport Isn’t the Point

By Michael Phillips | Riptide | Dead Reckoning


Senator John Cornyn posted a tweet this week that felt like a victory lap. The U.S. men’s national team had just beaten Paraguay 4-1 in their World Cup opener, Folarin Balogun scored twice, and Cornyn — a Texas Republican — wanted credit assigned to the right account. “The success of the U.S. men’s national soccer team in this year’s World Cup,” he wrote, “is the product in part of America’s historically welcoming immigration system.” He was not alone, as many Democrats made similar posts.

It’s a clean line. It’s also wrong in almost every direction it points.


What the Roster Actually Is

Start with the facts on the ground. Six players on the 2026 USMNT were born outside the United States. More than half the 26-man roster holds dual citizenship. At first glance, that looks like exactly what Cornyn described — a team built by an open door.

Look closer, and the door in question isn’t at a U.S. consulate. It’s in the FIFA eligibility rulebook.

Take Sergiño Dest, the team’s first-choice right back. He has never resided in the United States. His father, born in Suriname, served roughly 25 years in the U.S. military and became a citizen — then moved the family to the Netherlands before Sergiño was born. Dest’s American passport is a document of ancestral paperwork, not a life lived here. He developed his game at Ajax and Barcelona. He is, by any honest measure, Dutch.

Antonee Robinson, one of the Premier League’s best left backs, was born in Milton Keynes and raised in Liverpool, England. His eligibility traces entirely to his father’s naturalization. Malik Tillman was born near a U.S. Army base in Nuremberg, Germany, represented Germany’s national youth teams through the under-21 level, and switched his allegiance to the United States in 2022.

And then there is Balogun himself — the striker whose brace opened the tournament, and whose American birth is the subject of a Supreme Court case that could be decided before the World Cup ends. His Nigerian mother was seven months pregnant when airline staff refused to let her board a return flight home from New York — too visibly pregnant to fly. She was forced to remain. Folarin was born in Brooklyn on July 3. His “immigration story” is a gate agent’s judgment call. He has lived in England ever since.

These players qualified under rules written by FIFA to allow national teams to scout the global diaspora for talent, regardless of where anyone actually lives. That is not an immigration story. It is a rulebook story.


The Roster Most People Are Misreading

Here is the part that gets lost in both the left’s celebration and the right’s resentment of this team: the majority of these players are simply American.

Tim Weah was born in Brooklyn in 2000, raised in Queens and Florida. His mother, Clar, immigrated from Jamaica to New York in the late 1970s and built a life there, working as a bank representative in Manhattan. She met George Weah — then becoming one of the world’s most famous footballers — when he came to New York to open an account. Tim was born in Brooklyn because his mother was a New Yorker. That is not an immigration policy story or a soccer labor market story. It is just an American story. Tim grew up in Rosedale, Queens, playing youth soccer in the city before joining the New York Red Bulls academy. He is American. His technical eligibility for Liberia, France, and Jamaica through his parents’ backgrounds is real and practically irrelevant — he chose the country that raised him without hesitation.

Weston McKennie was born at Fort Lewis, Washington. His Air Force father was posted to Ramstein, so the family lived in Kaiserslautern from when Weston was six to nine. He learned to love soccer there. Then the family came home to Texas, and McKennie spent seven years in the FC Dallas academy before signing with Schalke. He considers Little Elm, Texas, his hometown. Germany is where his passion for the game was born; it is not where he is from.

Gio Reyna was born in Sunderland, England — not because his family immigrated there, but because his father, Claudio, a USMNT captain with 112 caps and four World Cups, was playing for Sunderland AFC. Both parents are American. Both represented the United States nationally. The family moved back to Bedford, New York, when Gio was five. He is the son of American soccer royalty, raised in New York, who happened to be born abroad while his father was on a professional assignment. Sebastian Berhalter’s story is nearly identical — born in London while his father Gregg was playing for Crystal Palace, raised in Columbus, Ohio. Gregg Berhalter earned 44 caps for the USMNT, later coaching the team, and was a teammate of Claudio Reyna’s on the national team, including the 2002 World Cup. Their sons, born abroad while their fathers played professional soccer in England, are now teammates themselves.

These are not immigration stories. They are soccer labor market stories. The global transfer system moved American fathers to England and Germany. Their American sons were born there and came home.


The System Works Both Ways

Here is what makes Cornyn’s framing not just imprecise but specifically backwards: the same rules that bring Balogun and Dest into the Stars and Stripes also send American-born athletes out the other side.

At this very World Cup, nine players born in the United States are representing other nations. Esmir Bajraktarević was born and raised in Appleton, Wisconsin. He is playing for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Obed Vargas and Brian Gutiérrez — both former U.S. internationals who came up through MLS academies — completed one-time switches to Mexico and are competing for El Tri on American soil. Zion Suzuki, born in the United States to a Ghanaian father and Japanese mother, was raised in Japan and is representing the Samurai Blue.

The World Baseball Classic makes this even clearer. Team Italy’s 2026 WBC roster was stocked with American-born MLB players — Aaron Nola of the Phillies, Jac Caglianone, and Vinnie Pasquantino of the Royals — all born and raised in the United States, all eligible because a great-grandparent came over from Sicily. Joc Pederson, a California native, represents Israel by the same ancestral logic. Nolan Arenado, who has played for Team USA in previous WBCs, committed to Puerto Rico this year to honor his family’s roots.

Nobody called the Italian roster a referendum on Italian immigration policy. The system is neutral. It has no ideology. It does not care who wins the immigration debate.


The Spectrum Nobody Wants to Map

What makes honest analysis harder than a tweet is that “American” on this USMNT roster does cover a real spectrum — even after you correctly identify Weah, McKennie, Reyna, and Berhalter as simply American.

On the strongest end: Pulisic (born Hershey, PA, developed in the US), Weah (born and raised in New York), McKennie (Texas kid with a three-year German chapter), Reyna (New York kid born in England while dad played there). These players are American. The foreign postcodes in their biographies are footnotes.

In the middle: Balogun, born in Brooklyn only because airline staff refused to let his mother board while seven months pregnant, who has lived his entire life in England and developed entirely in the Arsenal academy. He is American by birthright citizenship and by the luck of an airline policy. He is not American by upbringing.

On the weakest end: Dest, who has never lived here. Robinson, born in Milton Keynes and raised in Liverpool. Tillman, who repped the German youth system for years before a strategic switch.

Each belongs on this team. The team is better for having them. None of their stories is the story Cornyn told.


The Honest Version of the Argument

There is a real argument buried under the wrong one. The United States’ ethnic diversity and diaspora connections do create a global talent pipeline that most nations cannot replicate. A country that has absorbed waves of immigration from Latin America, Africa, the Caribbean, and Europe over generations will inevitably produce athletes with roots — and eligibility — spread across the world. That is a genuine structural advantage in global sport.

But that is a demographics argument, not an immigration policy argument. It does not vindicate any particular set of border policies. It describes the long tail of historical migration patterns showing up in a FIFA eligibility spreadsheet a generation or two later.

The USMNT is also more marketable and more internationally competitive for having these players. When there is more quality on the field, more Americans follow the team. That is worth saying plainly — and it has nothing to do with whether Antonee Robinson’s father filled out naturalization paperwork correctly.


A Flag Made Somewhere Else

There is a version of American identity that this team embodies, and it is genuinely worth celebrating. But it is more complicated than a tweet, and it cuts in more than one direction.

Some of these players are as American as it gets — born here, raised here, developed here, chose here. Some were born abroad to American parents who happened to be working overseas, and came home. One was born here because airline staff turned his mother away at the gate for being too visibly pregnant to board. A few qualify because of a father’s military service or paperwork, and have never lived here at all.

Cornyn wanted the World Cup to be a campaign ad for one side of the immigration debate. The actual roster argues against easy conclusions in every direction. Nine Americans are wearing other countries’ colors this summer. Aaron Nola pitched for Italy. Nolan Arenado played for Puerto Rico.

The system that produced this USMNT is the same system that produced all of that. It is a FIFA system, not a policy system. It does not know which party you vote for. It just knows whether your grandfather was born in the right place.


Dead Reckoning is Riptide’s analytical column. Navigation by inference — not by sight.


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About Michael Phillips

Michael Phillips is a journalist, editor, creator, IT consultant, and father. He writes about politics, family-court reform, and civil rights.

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