By Michael Phillips | Thunder Report
As the 2026 legislative sessions unfold across the country, a troubling pattern has emerged—one that goes beyond normal partisan disagreement and veers into obsession. In a growing number of states, lawmakers appear far more animated by their opposition to Donald Trump than by the everyday concerns of the constituents who elected them.
This is not a critique of federalism or legitimate state-level resistance. States have every right to challenge federal overreach. What’s alarming is how frequently legislatures are leading with Trump—structuring special sessions, legislation, and taxpayer-funded lawsuits explicitly designed to “Trump-proof” their states—while core issues like affordability, infrastructure, public safety, and education take a back seat.
How Many States Are Doing This?
There is no official scoreboard tracking “anti-Trump legislation,” but based on reporting, legislative calendars, and attorney-general activity since Trump’s 2024 reelection, a clear picture emerges:
- 16–18 Democratic-controlled trifecta states (where Democrats hold the governorship and both legislative chambers) have the ability—and in many cases the willingness—to move quickly on partisan countermeasures.
- Of those, at least 12–15 states have already devoted significant legislative time or public funds in 2025–2026 to bills, special sessions, or lawsuits explicitly framed as responses to Trump administration policies.
- When you include divided-government states where Democratic governors or attorneys general are acting unilaterally, the total rises to roughly 18–20 states actively engaged in this posture.
This is not marginal activity. It is a governing strategy.
What Does “Governing Against Trump” Look Like?
In state after state, we see the same playbook:
- Special legislative sessions called not to pass budgets or respond to emergencies, but to preemptively block federal policies.
- Sanctuary expansions, data-shielding laws, and limits on cooperation with federal agencies passed as symbolic rebukes.
- Millions allocated to litigation funds, preparing for waves of multistate lawsuits before specific federal actions even occur.
- Resolutions and messaging bills that do little materially for residents but generate headlines and partisan signaling.
California offers the clearest example. Governor Gavin Newsom openly branded his legislative agenda as “Trump-proofing,” complete with a special session and tens of millions in anticipated legal spending. New York, Illinois, New Jersey, Washington, Massachusetts, Maryland, Minnesota, Oregon, and others have followed similar paths—each justified as “protecting residents,” but unmistakably driven by national political conflict.
The Taxpayer Cost No One Wants to Discuss
Every hour lawmakers spend on symbolic resistance is an hour not spent on local priorities. And every lawsuit comes with a price tag.
- Special sessions can cost tens of thousands of dollars per day in staffing and operations.
- Attorney-general litigation coalitions have collectively cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars nationwide since Trump’s first term—and spending is accelerating again.
- Legal resources diverted to national political battles are resources not used to prosecute crime, protect consumers, or address corruption at home.
For families struggling with housing costs, high taxes, failing schools, or rising crime, this feels like governance by grievance.
Federalism or Political Theater?
Supporters insist this is about defending state sovereignty. Critics see something else: state capitols acting as extensions of the national resistance movement, with legislatures functioning less like problem-solvers and more like opposition research departments.
The irony is unavoidable. Many of the same lawmakers who rail against “Washington dysfunction” are now importing that dysfunction directly into their own chambers.
And this cuts both ways. Republican-led states have, at times, mirrored this behavior by rushing to align symbolically with Trump. But there is a crucial difference: alignment still involves governing with federal policy, not burning legislative time simply to oppose it.
What Voters Actually Want
Most voters—Democrats, Republicans, and independents alike—are not asking their state legislators to relitigate the presidential election every week.
They want:
- Lower costs of living
- Safer communities
- Functional schools
- Roads that don’t crumble
- Energy bills they can afford
When statehouses become arenas for national political vendettas, those priorities suffer.
The Bottom Line
Call it resistance, Trump-proofing, or activism—but let’s be honest about what it is: governing by fixation.
At least 18–20 states are now spending real time and real money reacting to one man instead of proactively serving their residents. That’s not leadership. It’s displacement.
And voters may soon decide they’re tired of paying for it.
Thunder Report Takeaway:
States exist to govern locally—not to run permanent opposition campaigns. When hatred of a president eclipses responsibility to constituents, democracy doesn’t get stronger. It gets distracted.
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